Recent Posts:

House Keeping Lesson for GOP: Dirty Lost, Clean Won

This week orientation is underway for U.S. House freshman and one lesson should not be lost on incoming members: voters are not rewarding extremism, including on energy and the environment.

On election day I told you about 10 races to watch to determine if the next Congress would have fewer dirty air villains and more clean air heroes. I’m happy to report that, even though control of the House stayed the same, six of these 10 dirty air villains were defeated.  What’s more, of all the 16 Republicans defeated or currently trailing in their races, a majority of them were dirty air villains who had voted against clean air protections 100% of the time.    

The message should be clear that extremists out of step with their constituents on the range of issues, including clean air and energy, and were sent packing as a result. And even though Republicans held the House, they lost ground there nonetheless, just as they did in the Senate and at the state level even as they were failing to retake the White House. 

Let’s look at how those ten races to watch turned out. Current vote counts suggest that six out of ten of these races will go to the cleaner candidate. Voters ousted Reps. Allen West (FL-18), David Rivera (FL-26), Joe Walsh (IL-08), Ann Marie Buerkle (NY-24) and Francisco Canseco (TX-23). And if the current lead holds, Dr. Ami Bera will take the seat currently held by Dirty Air Villain and Flat Earther Dan Lungren (CA-07).

While the 113th Congress will have between 79 and 85 new members, only 26 incumbents appear to have actually lost. Of the Republicans who lost, an outsize portion — ten out of sixteen – were Dirty Air Villains. [1] Clean Air Heroes fared much better.  In fact when you discard the three Clean Air Heroes who lost to other clean candidates in California’s new “top-two” voting system, only one of the seven incumbent Democrats who lost was a Clean Air Hero. [2]

Some Republicans, like vice presidential candidate Rep. Paul Ryan, take continued control of the House as a public mandate for GOP business as usual. However, to do so is to miss the warning signs about eroding public support for extremism within the party from the Tea Party and other sources. The Republicans maintained control of the House through contorted gerrymandering even though a majority of American voters chose Democratic candidates.  This sleight of hand will be slight protection unless the party rejects the anti-environmental that led the House to vote against the environment 316 times in a single (unfinished) Congress. 

 What does this tell us? That trying to appease the polluters who fund campaigns rather than voters who want clean air and clean energy is not a winning strategy. Make no mistake, in competitive House races the dirtiest members of both parties were the ones putting themselves at risk.   


[1] Dirty Air Villains: Bono Mack, Buerkle, Canseco, Cravaack, Guinta, Lungren Rivera, Schilling, Walsh, West. Not villains: Bartlett, Bass, Biggert, Bilbray, Dold, Hayworth. As of this writing, Bilbray, Lungren and West were all trailing in the vote count.

[2] Clean Air Heroes Berman, Richardson and Stark lost to other Democrats. Hero Sutton lost to Dirty Air Villain Renacci. Losing Democrats who were not heroes: Baca, Boswell, Chandler, Critz, Hochul, Kissell.

Tags: , ,  

Ten House Dirty Air Villains to Watch Tonight

There are ten key House races to keep your eye on tonight that will determine if this election will make a difference in the House of Representatives. While most pundits agree that there are not enough hotly contested seats for the House to change hands, the results of today’s election will determine if moving forward we will have fewer dirty air villains and more clean air heroes, or if we will continue to have a House of Representatives that continues to vote against clean air protections the same way it did before.

Earlier in the year, the NRDC Action Fund produced a report identifying those members of the House that voted against clean air protections every single time, 13 votes altogether.  We also identified a list of clean air heroes who voted to protect clean air every single time. 

Below you will find a list of the most important races for clean air. Pay close attention to the most important race in Ohio’s 16th district between Jim Renacci and Betty Sutton. Renacci is a Dirty Air Villain who not only voted against clean air protections every single time but has also accepted more than $140,000 in contributions from polluters, while Sutton is a Clean Air Hero who voted to protect clean air every chance she got and has also been a strong supporter of clean energy policy that helped fight climate change.

Here are the other nine races:

2. CA-07: Dan Lungren v. Ami Bera
Dan Lungren is a Dirty Air Villain who has voted against clean air protections all 13 times and is one of League of Conservation Voter’s Flat Earth Five which are five of the worst members of Congress that deny the reality of climate change. He received $199,600 in polluter contributions.

3. CO-06 Mike Coffman v. Joe Miklosi
Mike Coffman is a member of the Tea Party Caucus and a Dirty Air Villain who has voted against clean air protections every time. He received $272,800 in polluter contributions.

4. FL-18 Allen West v. Patrick Murphy
Allen West is a member of the Tea Party Caucus, a freshman member of Congress and a Dirty Air Villain who has consistently voted against clean air protections. He received $100,522 in polluter contributions.

5. FL-26 David Rivera v. Joe Garcia
David Rivera is a freshman member of Congress and a Dirty Air Villain who has voted against clean air protections all 13 times. He received $50,600 in polluter contributions.

6. IA-04 Steve King v. Christy Vilsack
Steve King is a member of the Tea Party Caucus and is a Dirty Air Villain who has voted against clean air protections time and time again. He received $95,800 in polluter contributions.

7. IL-08 Joe Walsh v. Tammy Duckworth
Joe Walsh is a freshman member of congress, a member of the Tea Party Caucus, a Dirty Air Villain who has voted against clean air protections 13 times and is one of LCV’s Flat Earth Five.  He received $23,250 in polluter contributions.

8. MI-01 Dan Benishek v. Gary McDowell
Dan Benishek is a freshman member of Congress, a Dirty Air Villain who has always voted against clean air protections and is one of LCV’s Flat Earth Five. He received $135,000 in polluter contributions.

9. NY-24 Ann Marie Buerkle v. Dan Maffei
Ann Marie Buerkle is a freshman member of Congress, a member of the Tea Party Caucus, a Dirty Air Villain who has voted against clean air protections every time and is another one of LCV’s Flat Earth Five. She received $18,750 in polluter contributions.

10. TX-23 Francisco Canseco v. Pete Gallego
Francisco Canseco is a freshman member of Congress, a Dirty Air Villain who has consistently voted against clean air protections and is one of LCV’s Flat Earth Five. He has received $222,401 in polluter contributions.

Tags: , ,  

Sandy Should Help Us Close in on the Election’s Closing Arguments

Hurricane Sandy may reshape the presidential race as surely as it just reshaped the eastern shoreline.  It reminds us that a central debate in this year’s election boils down to what we think is the appropriate size and role of government.  Big challenges require the right size of government in the mix and the response to Sandy dramatically illustrates the point.  

It’s hard to imagine adequately dealing with the disaster from Sandy without a well functioning federal response.  The Republican governor of New Jersey pleaded for help from FEMA and congratulated President Obama for facilitating it

But in the larger political debate this year the side backing Governor Romney makes it sounds like President Obama only wants to replace the market economy with more Big Government.  In fact, as President Obama made clear in his second debate closing, he and his adversaries agree that the private sector is the main source of growth in the economy.  The choice in reality is different but still important.  Do you want enough of the right kind of government or do you want nearly none?   In other words, a choice between President Obama’s sensible view that the federal government has a vital but not boundless role in meeting big challenges, or that the government is the problem and makes everything worse so the market should be left entirely alone, as Romney’s backers claim. 

No doubt the first presidential debate reshaped the public’s perception of the candidates on their view of the role of government, blurring the significant difference between them.  This was more a matter of style than substance, as Governor Romney purposely projected a more moderate manner than he had when appealing to the Republican base.  That’s why it was so surprising not to hear three key phrases during the debate, which President Obama should now bring home in his closing argument. 

Etch a Sketch 

Like an etch a sketch pad – that’s how the Romney campaign had promised that it would change his positions in the general election.  He supported health care reform before he opposed it.  He backed a woman’s right to choose before he didn’t.  He often seems to lack core convictions more than he’s hiding them.  In figuring out what he’s likely to do it’s probably best to consider whom he will owe if he wins.

That’s why his debate answer to a question on the role of regulation was so notable.  Of course we need regulations, he said, just not too many while the economy is recovering.  In fact he gave an extensive defense of how regulations were good even for business.  This apparent reversal was astonishing for a candidate who had placated conservatives by taking the view that regulations were the cause of our economic woes and who had endorsed a House bill that would grind most regulation to a halt.  This was President’s Obama’s chance to make clear this was one of those etch a sketch moments.  One in which Governor Romney was being misleading, not just changeable. 

Clean energy and environmental policy serves as another prime example of this etch-a -sketching.  Romney believed in climate change before he didn’t.  He thought coal plants were a health hazard before they weren’t.  He supported renewable energy before he didn’t, but then he did in the debate again (but not really as proven by his opposition to extending the production tax credit for wind power). 

What President Obama needs to do is bring home the point about whom do you trust.  Do you think Governor Romney, the guy who the fossil fuel industry bankrolled, will correct the health-threatening practices of that sector?  Do you think Governor Romney, the guy who proposes increasing taxes on renewable energy, supports ushering in a new, renewable energy future?  Not really. 

47 Percent

Meeting America’s challenges will require contributions by everyone.  Take addressing the budget deficit.  The question is not whether we should all contribute, but how those contributions will be distributed.  It’s about what’s fair. 

There is little fair about the Romney tax plan.  It gives the greatest tax reductions to the people who already have the most.  This is in addition to the math not adding up.  Quite simply, if you care about the budget deficit, you don’t start with extending temporary tax cuts that were adopted when we had a budget surplus.  That’s why it’s strange that the phrase “47 percent” never came up.  That’s the number of people Romney believes deserve no financial relief because they contribute nothing economically to society. 

Clean energy policy provides an example of what’s at stake in tax policy. The oil industry alone receives $4 billion a year in taxpayer support to help cover production expenses when oil companies are some of the most profitable companies in the world.  Yet Governor Romney has not called for repeal of these write-offs that were protected in the Ryan budget.  Instead, he’s called for raising taxes on the renewable industry by allowing the highly successful production tax credit for wind power to expire at the end of this year.  How is that fair?  It’s not. 

Obama needs to drive the point home that his energy tax plan would redirect investment resources from those who need them least to those who would use them the most.  Extending the production tax credit specifically would permit the wind industry to keep creating the jobs today and into the future.  That’s not only fair, it’s smart. 

Climate Change

Yes, climate change.  OK, maybe the phrase from President Obama should have been “economic accomplishments including more clean energy to fight climate change.”  President Obama later said he was surprised that a question about climate wasn’t asked during the debates.  Maybe he should have brought it up.  But at least he has brought up clean energy solutions for climate change on the campaign trail unlike Governor Romney who now mocks it.

One of the Obama’s administrations unheralded accomplishments is the stimulus bill, or the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act.  As the Michael Grunwald documents in his new book about the effects of the stimulus bill, The New New Deal, the government investments did help create or save millions of jobs, perhaps preventing the Great Recession from becoming a depression. 

The premise of the stimulus bill was that the economic crisis was being worsened by a lack of sufficient overall demand.  A short-term stimulus in the Keynesian tradition — the basis for FDR’s New Deal — was needed to reverse the situation.  Notably a third of the stimulus bill went to tax cuts though to hear opponents tell it, it was full of nothing but wasteful government spending (for them a redundant phrase).  This raises the question as to why for these critics Democratic tax cuts only create deficits but Republican tax cuts only create growth.

Assessing the impact of the stimulus requires selecting the correct starting point.  Romney measures the success of the Obama’s policies from the day he took office even though the effects of Bush’s policies were still being felt.  The better comparison would start a year later after the stimulus had a chance to take effect.  Since then and through September the S&P 500 has advanced 27 percent (308 points) and the unemployment rate has declined 20 percent (1.9 percentage points).  

More needs to be done.  As Grunwald and others have noted, the stimulus bill was too small.  It made a 2.5 million contribution to an 8 million job problem.  Still its $90 billion in clean energy investments of the Obama administration has helped fueled the recovery that has taken place.  And it has done this by making progress in advanced biofuels, more efficient electricity distribution, improved battery powered cars, and domestic manufacturing of these energy system parts.   

President Obama has a great record in other ways on creating a clean energy economy that helps address climate change.  He brokered a deal that will cut the cost of driving cars in half by doubling fuel mileage.  He saved thousands of lives a year by modernizing coal plants and reducing mercury emissions. 

The basic choice comes down to this – will we have enough government to help do the correct things or will we have nearly no government and just trust the market system alone to sort everything out?  The latter approach is what got us into this economic situation to begin with. Obama’s record using the former approach offers an advantage he should press. 

And Hurricane Sandy should remind us of exactly what’s at stake in this choice.

Tags: , ,  

Newt Gingrich’s Goodbye As GOP’s Thought Leader

Mitt Romney needs not to worry that Newt Gingrich will cut a figure at odds with the image of the GOP’s presidential nominee, at least on energy and environmental policy.  They both offer careers characterized by moments of moderation overtaken by political expediency, adopting positions both outdated and repudiated as they veered to the far right.  For an America looking for someone who will ignite an economy that will not only create sustainable jobs but will rely on innovation and clean sources of energy to do it, Gingrich is a vivid reminder how wrong this choice can be. 

As a member of Congress, Gingrich hit his all time high on environmental issues in 1993 when he scored 30% according to the League of Conservation Voters.  This peak was reached largely based on his support for several wildlife conservation measures, as befitting a man who once fancied a job as a zoo director, but his score the next year was a zero – a signal of things to come.  What he really became famous for was a scorched earth approach to politics that catapulted the Republicans into control of the U.S. House in 1995 for the first time in 40 years and landed him in the Speakers chair.  The main missile launched in this assault was Gingrich’s brainchild, the Contract with America, which included an unprecedented attack on health, safety and environmental protections in the U.S., all under the name of “regulatory reform.”

The centerpiece of the regulatory reform in the Contract was a proposal that would have given big companies that polluted air, water or food supplies or created hazardous workplaces or consumer products an immense shield from federal agencies charged with protecting the public (such as the Environmental Protection Agency, the Food and Drug Administration, and the Occupational Safety and Health Administration) by tangling them up with costly red tape and endless litigation.   The bill (H.R. 9) had the Orwellian title, “The Job Creation and Wage Enhancement Act,” but actually it was the polluter’s holiday and lawyer’s full employment act.   After it passed the House, Bob Dole picked up the proposal and tried to run it through the Senate on his way to a run for the White House.  But the proposal was so extreme it met stiff bipartisan opposition and was eventually blocked in the Senate despite Dole’s role as Majority Leader. 

This pro-polluter provision at the heart of the Contract with America was the granddaddy of the Tea Party’s current plan to turn back the clock on a range of public protections, and should be understood as what is meant by much of the coded language on regulations in candidate stump speeches and the Republican platform.   Letting companies decide just how much they want to reduce their own pollution was a bad idea in the 1990s and it’s a bad idea now.  Although Gingrich is long gone from the House, his heritage can been seen in such extreme proposals as the Red Tape Reduction and Small Business Job Creation Act (H.R. 4078), which includes the notorious REINS Act, that would in effect prevent or delay most federal regulation regardless of merit. 

Still we don’t need much of a decoder ring to see just how far Gingrich has gone off to the right on environmental safeguards when we consider his proposal to replace the Environmental Protection Agency with a new Environmental Solutions Agency.  This incredible proposal would have provided a solution for environmental problems in the same way that abolishing colleges would solve the problem of paying for higher education.  It essentially would have wiped out the means of dealing with such basic needs as reducing air and water pollution by getting rid of an agency wildly popular with the public.  This new creation would have had limited authority, focusing on research and business-friendly partnerships, and would have promoted “clean” coal and a more loosely regulated nuclear power.  All this plus no environmental degradation, he promised, which is more than far-fetched given the lack of accountability for polluters that would have resulted.      

If Gingrich is most famous for the Contract with America, he may be most infamous for his reversal on climate change.  At the same time that Romney as governor of Massachusetts was being for action on climate change before he was against it, Gingrich was coming around to the view that climate change was a serious problem that required action and supported limits on carbon pollution and clean energy policies to help address it.  This period of following the facts on the subject eventually led to the memorable moment in 2008 when Gingrich took a seat on the climate couch with Nancy Pelosi

Later he regretted this reasonable moment, but since the science hadn’t change on climate it is hard to believe that anything other than politics was behind his reversal on the issue.  That reversal became most obvious the next year when in the wake of public concern about higher gasoline prices Gingrich responded by publishing “Drill Here, Drill Now, Pay Less,” a book short on real solutions to America’s future energy needs but one long on pandering to the oil industry and economic anxiety. 

Let’s note but leave aside what a canard the book was because the U.S. lacks the oil reserves to drill our way to energy sufficiency while more fuel efficient cars as proposed by the Obama administration will save consumers much more money.  What the position in the book really did was help Gingrich in his attempt to reposition himself within a party that was increasingly coming under pressure by the fossil fuel industry and eventually the Tea Party to abandon the view that the government should play a role in encouraging innovative, clean and domestic alternatives to our oil dependence.  Instead of boldly charting a new energy path for America’s future as a presidential candidate, his proposed energy policies continued this commitment to the old-time fossil energy policies of the past.

So as Gingrich takes his long goodbye into night as a party leader at this convention, the GOP should feel his intellectual legacy of dropping science in favor of politics when pressured by the far right is now safely passed to the Romney ticket.   Yet, Gingrich left a clear imprint on the thinking of the current Republican Party, which bodes ill for those looking for new directions for the U.S. energy economy.  The GOP and the menu of useful energy choices available to the American people are the lesser for it.

Tags: ,  

Lamenting Lugar’s Loss

In an age of politics bitterly fought along ideological lines, sensibility received another blow with the defeat of Senator Richard Lugar (R-IN) by tea party backed candidate, Richard Mourdock. Lugar was someone who put the good of the nation and the needs of his constituents above party and ideology.  His defeat sends a bad signal to those who would like to see Washington come together to solve the nation’s most pressing issues.

In politics, the center is the place where people get together to work out differences. It’s not so much a spot between the left and the right as it is a willingness to get things done.  Many praise Lugar’s record of bipartisanship but let’s face it, he was no moderate. In fact, in 2010 he received a 100% rating from the Chamber of Commerce and a 91% from the National Taxpayers Union. His conservative outlook extended to his views on energy and the environment as the League of Conservation Voters gave him a rating of 0% in this same year.  And he didn’t lose because he was too moderate but mainly because he had lived away from Indiana too long, literally and figuratively.  Hoosiers wanted a new face.

Yet despite his conservative values, he was a sensible man. He was someone with which you could exchange ideas and who was willing to work across the aisle to solve problems. Lugar built his career on arms control, securing our nation from international threat but was also concerned with the United State’s energy security. The Lugar Practical Energy Plan promised better job-creating economic growth, U.S. global competitiveness, and environmental stewardship through more productive use of energy in transportation and electricity.   To this end he was committed to increasing energy efficiency and encouraging the use of alternative energy sources. He even went so far as to vote for Lieberman-McCain Climate Stewardship Act in 2003.

We should all lament Lugar’s defeat as he joins the ranks of other sensible Republican leaders who have recently left or are leaving Congress including Congressman Michael Castle (R-DE) and Senator Olympia Snowe (R-ME).   In fact, Snowe cited the extreme partisanship in Congress as one of her reasons for retirement.  NRDC Action Fund staffer Bob Deans has recently published the book Reckless: The Political Assault on the American Environment, illustrating how detrimental extreme partisanship has been for environmental policies in the 112th Congress.

This year voters will have a chance to send a message about how they want their leaders to run the country.  Here’s to hoping that message will be for them to return to sensibility.

Tags: ,