Leadership

Living in the Bay Area (the ATM for politicians in the US) and doing advocacy work means that I see a lot of Senators.  The Senate was on recess last week so most of the progressive elected officials came out to take in a Giants game and fundraise for their next race.

While this is the norm, one particular meeting this week really took me off guard. This particularly moderate Senator is a reliable vote for the environment, believes climate change is real and even has real world clean energy experience. So I looked forward to hearing a few enlightened pieces of advice for addressing carbon pollution.  Unfortunately, he just mostly blamed the broken Congress.

Congress Isn’t Off the Hook

Blaming a broken institution doesn’t leave the members of Congress off the hook. While Congress may be too polarized to pass national climate legislation, Senators and Representatives should be out there building support for tackling one of the biggest economic and public health challenges of our time. Sitting on the sidelines is not an option when our country suffered 11 extreme weather events costing $1 billion in losses each last year.

And yet some clean energy and climate champions in Congress say the time isn’t right to engage on climate change. They say if the president moves forward that’s fine, but they won’t stick their necks out on the issue.

But here we are, six months after Superstorm Sandy pummeled the East Coast, with more than 700 New York families still living in hotels because their homes were destroyed in the hurricane. Residents of Colorado Springs have to rebuild after a record-breaking fire ravaged the community last summer. And Texas farmers are praying they won’t suffer another $76 million in crop losses like they did in the drought of 2012.

Across the country, Americans are coping with extreme weather that’s been super-charged by climate change. We need leaders to step in and start protecting our families from these threats. The question is: where will that leadership come from? It can come from the White House because President Obama has the commitment and the authority to curb global warming pollution right now.

What If?

Rather than throwing up their hands—or worse, talking themselves into defeat—the members of Congress actually helped build support for presidential action? What if they talked to the public about climate solutions? What if they helped create the political space for America to confront climate change?

Some lawmakers are already doing this. Senator Jon Tester, for instance, is a third-generation, dry-land farmer from Montana. He recently published an op ed in USA Today in which he wrote: “Scientists tell us that climate change will bring shorter, warmer and drier winters to Montana. I see it every time I get on my tractor.”

He described how changing weather patterns make it hard to know when to plant crops, and how pests like the sawfly now attack his crops before he can harvest them. He urged his neighbors to raise their voices, “because the experience of America’s farmers, ranchers, and sportsmen and women will change the debate if policymakers start listening.”

Tester didn’t pay a political price for speaking the truth about climate in a purple state. Nor did he become overly associated with climate change or limit his ability to lead on other issues. Instead, he garnered praise in state and around the country. And he started a conversation with rural Americans about the hazards of unchecked climate change.

Other lawmakers could take similar steps. They could encourage colleges in their states to invest in clean energy curriculum and job training. They could challenge every mom living near a power plant to call for carbon reductions that would help clean up the air and reduce kids’ asthma attacks.

Happy friends

They could host town hall meetings during their August recess that focus on clean energy business opportunities in local communities.

And every chance they get, they can declare their support for President Obama using his authority to limit carbon pollution from existing power plants—the largest U.S. source of global warming pollution. According to NRDC experts, the administration can cut carbon by 25 percent by 2020 and save the typical family up to $700 a year in electricity costs. These are great savings for lawmakers to trumpet.

They can also urge the president to reject the Keystone XL pipeline for tar sands oil. Producing tar sands generates three times as much greenhouse gas emissions as conventional crude. Building the Keystone XL tar sands pipeline would create the same carbon pollution as adding 5 million new cars to the road. President Obama cannot fight climate change and approve the Keystone XL pipeline at the same time. That’s like trying to prevent lung cancer while expanding the market for cigarettes.  

The final Keystone XL decision and the power plant standards rest with the White House. But Members of Congress can pave the way for presidential action. Rather than quietly whispering, “I’m with you on climate change, Mr. President, but I don’t think we have a majority in the Senate,” they can use their bully pulpits and educate their constituents.

Standing up for climate solutions doesn’t require 60 votes. It just takes leadership.

 

When It Comes to Fighting Climate Change, We Need All the Tools in Our Tool Belt to Win

The passing of another Earth Day seems to have some pundits waxing nostalgic. One such pundit, Nicholas Lemann of the New Yorker, wrote a glowing piece about the hundreds of thousands of Americans who turned out for the first Earth Day in 1970. He even went as far to say that the absence of grassroots action in today’s environmental movement allowed Congress to sidestep climate legislation in 2009 and 2010.

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The groundswell of support for the first Earth Day was indeed a potent force. It was the catalyst for change and launched an extraordinary time in environmental history. It inspired me and many of my colleagues at NRDC who were the drivers behind passage of landmark environmental protections like the Clean Air Act and the Clean Water Act. But, unlike Nicholas Lemann, I don’t believe our best days are behind us because I know how much we are accomplishing right now.

Political Landscapes Change, Requiring New Navigational Tools

Today the 1970-style teach-ins sound like a distant memory, much like FDR’s fireside chats did back then. When Earth Day first launched, it caught polluters off guard. Today is a different story. Now big oil and the gas industry are in full opposition mode. They spent $168 million on lobbying in the year before the climate bill was introduced, and it poured hundreds of millions of dollars into the 2012 campaign to elect climate denying candidates. Tea Party leaders in the House, meanwhile, voted more than 300 times to gut environmental safeguards in the last two years. The good news is the NRDC Action Fund and our allies activated our powerful network of supporters and prevented most of the terrible measures from becoming law. In today’s political environment, sometimes a good defense is our best offense.

While some may believe the tactics of the 1970’s is what we need to be victorious today, I argue that today’s political realities demand not just one, but all the tools at our disposal. Environmental victories will come from grassroots action, media outreach, scientific research and advocating our positions on Capitol Hill. We have to use our power, influence and message to affect change. There is no magic tool in our tool belt that can change the heart of fossil fuel opposition or defuse extreme Tea Party ideology. In today’s dysfunctional Congress, not even broad public support works. With polls showing that 90 percent of Americans support tougher gun control laws one would think Congress would easily pass a bill. Heck, so many voters called Congress to voice their support of stronger measures that they shut down the switchboard. Yet here we are today, still no closer to Congress passing anything. What was once considered the low hanging fruit-extending background checks to online sales and private gun shows-couldn’t even make it out of the Senate.

In his New Yorker article, Lemann bemoans the fact that there has been no major environmental legislation since the 2010 effort to pass a climate bill. But a Congressional strategy won’t work when Congress is this stuck. Even in the best of times, it takes multiple attempts to pass transformative legislation—just ask anyone who works on health care, immigration reform, or gun control.

How to Get Things Done, Without Congress

I get it. Change is hard. But, playing a blame game is easy. Rather than pointing fingers at one another or Congress, let’s keep working. While some have been busy plotting our early demise, America has been implementing standards which will continue to reduce our carbon pollution. U.S. carbon dioxide emissions have declined 12 percent since 2005. We are on track for far deeper reductions, because we’ve been using all the tools at our disposal to work with the White House to use its existing authority to reduce pollution.

Just last August the Obama administration issued fuel economy standards that will cut carbon pollution from new cars in half by 2025. They will also reduce U.S. oil imports by one third and save drivers $1.7 trillion at the gas pump. The administration also proposed the first-ever carbon limits on new power plants. These are not minor efforts. They target America’s two largest sources of carbon: cars and power plants.

But, we’re not done yet. Now it’s time for President Obama to take the next bold steps. We won’t rest until he uses the Clean Air Act to limit carbon pollution from existing power plants and rejects the Keystone XL tar sands pipeline that would lock us into decades of carbon pollution from the dirtiest fuel on the planet.

President Obama is clearly committed to confronting climate change, but prompting him to move forward will require all our tools. We aren’t just relying on an inside or outside strategy. In today’s game you need both. Our plan includes a cost-effective plan from NRDC for how the EPA can structure its carbon standards for existing power plants. At the same time, the environmental community is coordinating grassroots efforts in support of the standards—just like when the environmental coalition collectively helped generate a record-breaking 3 million comments in support of carbon standards for new power plants. And NRDC is providing expert scientific, economic, and public safety analysis of the Keystone XL pipeline, while helping to organize protest rallies that brought tens of thousands of people to the White House.

Be Proud, but Never Settle

These efforts in concert with one another are creating the climate solutions we seek. The results are astonishing. This Earth Day is just one administration after the Cheney Energy Task Force practically sanctified oil and gas development. Just one year after a presidential primary in which nearly every Republican presidential candidate denied the existence of climate change. Yet, America has cut our carbon emissions, dramatically expanded our investments in renewable energy, and cleaned up our cars. But, we’re not done yet.  In fact, we are only getting started.  I’m confident we will have even more reasons to celebrate at Earth Day 2014 and beyond.

Tea Partiers Are Destroying the Legacy of the Republican Party 

A new book out this week presents an astounding fact that could help shape the upcoming elections: the Republican-led House voted nearly 200 times to undermine public health and environmental safeguards in 2011.

This constitutes the largest attack on environmental protections in our nation’s history. But the American people didn’t ask for such a radical departure. Eight out of ten voters want the standards that keep our water clean and our air safe to breathe either strengthened or left alone.

Reckless: The Political Assault on the American Environment chronicles the Tea-Party-inspired attempt to strip away trusted safeguards. Written by Bob Deans, a veteran journalist who now works for the NRDC Action Fund, the book describes the damage these measures would do and the polluting companies they would benefit.

But the book also provides something else: a valuable insert to a 2012 campaign playbook.

Anyone running in a primary or race against a Tea-Partier or those who have voted with them should shine a spotlight on their radical environmental assault. They can remind voters that when the economy was in flames and Americans were losing their homes, these lawmakers spent their time trying to dismantle environmental laws that have stood strong for 40 years.

Instead of addressing the global financial crisis an unregulated mortgage debt, leaders like House Majority Leader Eric Cantor claimed that the Environmental Protection Agency and its public health safeguards were the “job destroying” villains.

Challengers can also remind voters that the Republication war against environmental protection is bad for our health.

Reckless describes how Tea Party House members tried time and again to gut the Clean Air Act. This isn’t some obscure, bureaucratic regulation. It is the law that has prevented more than 4,300,000 premature deaths since 1990. It’s the law that slashed the number of unhealthy air days in Los Angeles from more than 200 days in 1970 down 28 days in 2003. It’s the law that brought the percentage of American children with dangerous levels of lead in their blood down from 90 percent in the 1970s to 2 percent in 2000. And it’s the law that has had decades of bipartisan support.

But the Leadership of the House Republicans wanted to halt this progress and return us to darker, dirtier days. Challengers can offer voters a clear contrast: clean skies and healthier families or more smog and asthma attacks? I can’t think of one parent who wants their kids breathing more pollution.

Challengers—especially those going after moderate voters—should remind Americans of something else as well: the Republican Party didn’t always put polluters first. Reckless charts the GOP’s proud tradition of conservation from President Teddy Roosevelt to President George H.W. Bush—the man who called the Clean Air Act Amendments of 1990 one of his greatest legislative accomplishments. Most Republican voters continue to hold these values even if their lawmakers have set them aside: 58 percent of Republican voters said they oppose House efforts to block the EPA from reducing air pollution from power plants, according to a 2011 poll by GS Strategy Group and Hart Research.

Why have so many House lawmakers forgotten that conservation is part of conservative values? I see two reasons. First, the Tea Party scared the daylights out of moderate Republicans and even out of sensible conservatives.

And second, polluters spend a lot of cash in Washington. Reckless reports that people and organizations associated with the oil and gas industry spent $31.8 million on campaign contributions during the 2010 congres­sional elections, with 77 percent of the money going to Republicans.

Polluters may have piles of money, but candidates who stand for ordinary Americans and offer a vision of a cleaner, healthier future can mobilize voters better than any corporate-funded rally can. NRDC Action Fund’s research shows that promoting a clean energy vision can help candidates win elections. In this election cycle, candidates should remind voters how hard Tea Party Republicans worked to take away that cleaner future.

Americans of both parties want their kids to breathe safe air and drink clean water. To make sure we deliver on that promise, we must all do our part to end the House Republicans’ historic assault on environmental protections.

 

 

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